JOKO WIDODO is leaving Indonesia’s presidency much less creditably than he entered it. A decade in the past the previous furnishings salesman, popularly often known as Jokowi, swept to energy on a promise to defy the elites who had stage-managed the world’s third-biggest democracy for the reason that fall of the dictator Suharto in 1998. However as an alternative of beating the facility brokers, Jokowi (pictured centre-left) has joined them.
Within the run-up to an election due on February 14th, the outgoing president has thrown his weight behind Prabowo Subianto (pictured centre-right), a former common and son-in-law of Suharto, who has an appalling human-rights report and a professed ambivalence in direction of democracy. Jokowi’s eldest son is Mr Prabowo’s running-mate—courtesy of Jokowi’s brother-in-law, who, as chief justice of Indonesia’s highest courtroom, lifted an age restrict standing in his 36-year-old nephew’s means.
Jokowi’s endorsement has made Mr Prabowo the favorite to win the presidency on the third try (he misplaced elections in 2014 and 2019, then falsely claimed they had been stolen). His primary rivals, Anies Baswedan and Ganjar Pranowo, each competent former governors, declare their rallies have been disrupted or cancelled by shadowy officers. This can be a worrying augury for Indonesia and an unworthy finish to Jokowi’s tenure.
Although he has not overseen the tearaway progress he additionally promised, his economic management has helped make Indonesia one of many best-performing economies in recent times. Its vulnerability to a robust greenback and shifts in world capital flows as soon as made it a member of the “Fragile 5” rising markets. Because of prudent administration, the general public funds have improved and the economic system is extra secure. Indonesia has grown at round 5% a 12 months fairly persistently.
Infrastructure has been overhauled, with 1000’s of miles of street and rail added. A package deal of reforms handed final 12 months eased restrictions on international funding. By urgent companies to course of nickel domestically, Jokowi has supported the event of an trade chargeable for half the world’s output. Improved governance has contributed, amongst different issues, to a fall within the rampant deforestation that has lengthy made Indonesia one of many greatest emitters of greenhouse gases. The nation’s conventional “non-aligned” international coverage has put it safely between America and China on most points.
Mr Prabowo has vowed to proceed most of Jokowi’s insurance policies, reassuring buyers. They’re too complacent. The current progress has come about despite Jokowi’s authoritarian instincts and delusions of grandeur, which Mr Prabowo appears likelier to emulate. The previous common backs an epic white-elephant scheme of Jokowi’s to carve a brand new $34bn capital metropolis out of the Bornean rainforest. He seems eager to increase protectionist nickel insurance policies—which can repay provided that demand for the steel stays excessive—to much less promising sectors. Tarnished by his alleged Suharto-era abuses—on account of which America and Australia as soon as barred him—he stays susceptible to clumsy outbursts, together with a speech final 12 months through which he floated a Putin-friendly peace plan for Ukraine. Jokowi’s help for him has reportedly alienated the president’s technocratic colleagues, together with Sri Mulyani Indrawati, the finance minister behind a lot of the progress.
Mr Prabowo’s victory needn’t be the tip of liberal politics in Indonesia: the advances that 200m voters have loved might make them extra demanding in future. Nonetheless the cronyism so evident in his marketing campaign is dispiriting. Jokowi arrived in 2014 as a breath of recent air. However by failing to entrench Indonesia’s democracy, at the same time as he has strengthened its economic system, he leaves behind a rotten scent.
© 2023, The Economist Newspaper Restricted. All rights reserved. From The Economist, revealed beneath licence. The unique content material may be discovered on www.economist.com
JOKO WIDODO is leaving Indonesia’s presidency much less creditably than he entered it. A decade in the past the previous furnishings salesman, popularly often known as Jokowi, swept to energy on a promise to defy the elites who had stage-managed the world’s third-biggest democracy for the reason that fall of the dictator Suharto in 1998. However as an alternative of beating the facility brokers, Jokowi (pictured centre-left) has joined them.
Within the run-up to an election due on February 14th, the outgoing president has thrown his weight behind Prabowo Subianto (pictured centre-right), a former common and son-in-law of Suharto, who has an appalling human-rights report and a professed ambivalence in direction of democracy. Jokowi’s eldest son is Mr Prabowo’s running-mate—courtesy of Jokowi’s brother-in-law, who, as chief justice of Indonesia’s highest courtroom, lifted an age restrict standing in his 36-year-old nephew’s means.
Jokowi’s endorsement has made Mr Prabowo the favorite to win the presidency on the third try (he misplaced elections in 2014 and 2019, then falsely claimed they had been stolen). His primary rivals, Anies Baswedan and Ganjar Pranowo, each competent former governors, declare their rallies have been disrupted or cancelled by shadowy officers. This can be a worrying augury for Indonesia and an unworthy finish to Jokowi’s tenure.
For extra on the Indonesian election, see our poll tracker
Although he has not overseen the tearaway progress he additionally promised, his economic management has helped make Indonesia one of many best-performing economies in recent times. Its vulnerability to a robust greenback and shifts in world capital flows as soon as made it a member of the “Fragile 5” rising markets. Because of prudent administration, the general public funds have improved and the economic system is extra secure. Indonesia has grown at round 5% a 12 months fairly persistently.
Infrastructure has been overhauled, with 1000’s of miles of street and rail added. A package deal of reforms handed final 12 months eased restrictions on international funding. By urgent companies to course of nickel domestically, Jokowi has supported the event of an trade chargeable for half the world’s output. Improved governance has contributed, amongst different issues, to a fall within the rampant deforestation that has lengthy made Indonesia one of many greatest emitters of greenhouse gases. The nation’s conventional “non-aligned” international coverage has put it safely between America and China on most points.
Mr Prabowo has vowed to proceed most of Jokowi’s insurance policies, reassuring buyers. They’re too complacent. The current progress has come about despite Jokowi’s authoritarian instincts and delusions of grandeur, which Mr Prabowo appears likelier to emulate. The previous common backs an epic white-elephant scheme of Jokowi’s to carve a brand new $34bn capital metropolis out of the Bornean rainforest. He seems eager to increase protectionist nickel insurance policies—which can repay provided that demand for the steel stays excessive—to much less promising sectors. Tarnished by his alleged Suharto-era abuses—on account of which America and Australia as soon as barred him—he stays susceptible to clumsy outbursts, together with a speech final 12 months through which he floated a Putin-friendly peace plan for Ukraine. Jokowi’s help for him has reportedly alienated the president’s technocratic colleagues, together with Sri Mulyani Indrawati, the finance minister behind a lot of the progress.
Mr Prabowo’s victory needn’t be the tip of liberal politics in Indonesia: the advances that 200m voters have loved might make them extra demanding in future. Nonetheless the cronyism so evident in his marketing campaign is dispiriting. Jokowi arrived in 2014 as a breath of recent air. However by failing to entrench Indonesia’s democracy, at the same time as he has strengthened its economic system, he leaves behind a rotten scent.
© 2023, The Economist Newspaper Restricted. All rights reserved. From The Economist, revealed beneath licence. The unique content material may be discovered on www.economist.com
